The problem of acceptance for the LGBTQ+ community within secular society has been a controversial one, intensified by the empowerment movements of the late 20th century. The constant contradictions within especially conservative religions, make the acceptance of these marginalized groups within a larger theological framework difficult, for both LGBTQ+ people, and their heterosexual/cis-gendered counterparts.

However, this divide was not always as stark as it might seem today. In fact, it is common knowledge that the ancient societies of Rome and especially Greece indulged in (predominantly male) homosexual activities while adhering to their social and theological frameworks (Greenberg and Bystryn, 1982). Moreover, homosexual tendencies were broadly accepted within the ancient Mediterranean world until late antiquity. During this time, a new school of thought permeated the religious context, asceticism (Greenberg and Bystryn, 1982). Simply put, asceticism prescribed purity, abstinence and avoidance of indulgence, which we observe in the dualistic positions of modern Christianity. Greenberg and Bystryn outlined reasons for this shift towards an antagonistic position of religion to, among others, homosexual tendencies within society. They emphasized that the expansion of empires (creating syncretic belief systems), urbanization and the devastating effects of war primed these societies to switch from polytheism to modern theological beliefs in which sexuality of all kind is suppressed.

Commonly, Christian communities accept the hatred and discrimination of LGBTQ+ people as a part of Judeo-Christian traditions, and thus should not be questioned. This is exemplified in the consideration of Hare, who identified that for many conservative Christians, non-heteronormative identities are “pathological, sinful, and offensive to God”(Hare, 2018). However, deviation from tradition was already observed within early Christian society, such as the abolishment of dietary restrictions, observation of Saturday as the Sab- bath among many others (Greenberg and Bystryn, 1982). Moreover, in recent times, the adaptation of scripture to advance liberal agendas has been seen in many Christian denominations, such as the nineteenth-century movement to advance women’s suffrage and the abolishment of slavery or in the 20th century to challenge class injustice (McQueeney, 2009).

The dilemma of many queer Christians stems from the fact that often times, their scripture, priests or religious communities condemn homosexuality or non-cis gender identities in the eyes of God. This is exemplified by the research of Mc Queeney in their interview with Emily, a 36-year- old white lesbian raised Southern Baptist: ”Feeling  like I was gay was against everything I knew about homosexuality in the Bible growing up, that gays and lesbians were not good people, and I had always considered myself a good person . . . I accepted Jesus Christ as my personal savior [at] 13 . . . so I struggled for years with ...am I good, or am I not?”. This conflict of identities is commonplace in many religious queer people of all ages. In light of this, some congregations have risen up specifically to address the spiritual needs of queer people rejected from mainstream religious communities, and some churches have adapted to become ”lesbian and gay affirming” (McQueeney, 2009). However, the question is whether these ”alternative” churches really serve to incorporate the queer community into the broader Christian context.

While LGBTQ+ individuals often face challenges within conservative religious communities, the dynamics of these communities are not monolithic. Religious women, for example, play a crucial role in negotiating and redefining their participation within these frameworks. The paradoxical nature of their roles—both subordinate and empowering—reveals how conservative religious traditions can simultaneously reinforce and subvert gender norms. For instance, the participation of women in conservative Judaizing Evangelical communities showcases how religious norms and personal agency intersect. Women in these communities adhere to strict modesty codes and traditional practices, which might appear as a form of subordination (Carpenedo, 2021). However, they also actively shape and transform their communities, suggesting a complex interplay between adherence to tradition and the assertion of personal agency. These women’s embrace of traditional religious practices highlights a nuanced form of empowerment that challenges the dichotomous view of religion as purely oppressive or liberating (Carpenedo, 2021).

Similarly, LGBTQ+ individuals in religious communities often navigate a delicate balance between their sexual identities and religious beliefs. The experiences of LGBTQ+ members can be seen as parallel to those of religious women who negotiate their roles within patriarchal systems. Both groups work within the confines of their religious traditions to carve out spaces for acceptance and personal fulfilment. For example, in exploring the experiences of queer Christians, we find a resonant theme of conflict and negotiation, similar to how women in conservative religious communities reconcile their traditional roles with modern expectations. Queer Christians often face ostracism and must find ways to align their sexual identities with their faith, a process that involves both resistance and conformity to religious norms.

To some extent ,we can say that LGBTQ+ people are becoming more empowered within religious contexts, either by redefining their roles in theological frameworks or by starting their own congregations. In the example of McQueeney (2009) even in the settings of, for example, the Faith (No mainline denomination, southern USA) and Unity (Protestant, southeastern US university town) churches, expressly accommodating to LGBTQ+ identities, queer members often deal with repressed inner conflicts between their sexuality and their religious beliefs. This struggle underscores a broader challenge: the persistent divide between conservative religious communities, which often uphold traditional doctrines that marginalize LGBTQ+ individuals, and newer, more inclusive churches that seek to reconcile faith with acceptance of diverse sexual orientations and gender identities.

In my opinion, the growth of these inclusive churches does not necessarily signify a harmony of conservative and liberal religious ideologies. Rather, it reflects a broader social and theological rift. As inclusive churches gain traction, they highlight the inflexibility of more conservative counterparts and the ongoing struggle for LGBTQ+ individuals seeking acceptance in mainstream religious settings. This separation often leaves queer believers in a state of limbo, feeling alienated from traditional religious institutions that they may have deep personal or familial ties to, while also finding solace in new, affirming spaces that resonate with their lived experiences.

References

Carpenedo, M. Gender and Moral Transformation. In M. Carpenedo (Ed.), Becoming Jewish, Believing in Jesus: Judaizing Evangelicals in Brazil (p. 57). Ox- ford University Press. https : / / doi . org / 10 . 1093/oso/9780190086923.003.0006

Greenberg, D. F., & Bystryn, M. H. (1982). Chris- tian Intolerance of Homosexuality [Pub- lisher: University of Chicago Press]. Amer- ican Journal of Sociology, 88 (3), 515–548. Retrieved June 26, 2024, from http://www. jstor.org.proxy-ub.rug.nl/stable/2779118

Hare, D. (2018). LGBT Affirmation and Identity in Christian Teachings and Church Communities. In C. Blyth, E. Colgan, & K. B. Edwards (Eds.), Rape Culture, Gender Violence, and Religion: Interdisciplinary Perspectives (pp. 135–144). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72224-5_8

McQueeney, K. (2009). ”We are God’s Children, Y’All:” Race, Gender, and Sexuality in Lesbian- and Gay-Affirming Congregations [Publisher: [Oxford University Press, Soci- ety for the Study of Social Problems]]. So- cial Problems, 56 (1), 151–173. https://doi. org/10.1525/sp.2009.56.1.151